"As a member of a Christian family with close relatives living in northern Lebanon with no ties to Hezbollah, I find it troubling that your article homogenizes all Lebanese communities as aligned with this militant group. This generalization is both inaccurate and fuels an outdated Orientalist view that fails to recognize Lebanon’s complex society."
November 7, 2024
To:
Marie Woolf, Reporter, The Globe and Mail
Sandra Martin, Standards Editor, The Globe and Mail
Dear Ms. Woolf and Ms. Martin,
I am writing on behalf of Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East (CJPME) to express my concerns regarding The Globe and Mail’s recent article, “Ottawa under pressure to give more Lebanese a safe haven in Canada,” published on November 1, 2025.
First, I take issue with the article’s phrasing that Lebanese nationals are extending their stay in Canada “to avoid the fighting between Israel and Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah.” This wording trivializes the severity of the war from which Lebanese civilians are fleeing and is dismissive of the Lebanese-Canadian community, many of whom are profoundly affected by events in Lebanon. The Lebanese-Canadian community in Canada numbers approximately 210,000, according to the 2021 Canadian Census. Lebanese Canadians and their family members residing here are not “extending their stay”; they are seeking refuge from Israel’s unjustifiable war on South Lebanon. This language is extremely dismissive and dehumanizing to Lebanese Canadians and I urge you to rework this sentence.
Second, the article implies a symmetrical engagement between Israel and Hezbollah. This is misleading. The conflict has disproportionately impacted Lebanese civilians, many of whom have been forcibly displaced due to Israeli actions, regardless of any association with Hezbollah. Entire towns in the south are being bombed, some completely wiped off the map with over a million people have been forced to flee, and 20 per cent of Lebanon's population is now displaced. Many are now living without shelter, sleeping on the streets, in parks, or by the sea. Moreover, Lebanon’s population includes diverse political, religious, and cultural communities, not all of whom are aligned with Hezbollah. As a member of a Christian family with close relatives living in northern Lebanon with no ties to Hezbollah, I find it troubling that your article homogenizes all Lebanese communities as aligned with this militant group. This generalization is both inaccurate and fuels an outdated Orientalist view that fails to recognize Lebanon’s complex society. I strongly urge The Globe and Mail to use language that accurately reflects the diverse reality faced by displaced Lebanese civilians.
Third, the article also cites a report by Lebanon’s Health Ministry of over 2,900 fatalities since October 8, 2023, following a Hezbollah rocket offensive and subsequent Israeli retaliatory action, noting that “most of the deaths have occurred…after Israeli ground forces invaded southern Lebanon.” Again, this phrasing places the initial emphasis on Hezbollah, mischaracterizing the asymmetry of this conflict. For instance, according to an Al Jazeera report from September 2024, which has mapped 10,000 cross-border attacks between Israel and Lebanon between October 7, 2023, and September 20, 2024, Israel has attacked Hezbollah nearly four times that of the Lebanese group, tallying more than 8,300 attacks along the border. Hezbollah and other armed groups were only responsible for 1,901 attacks. Similarly, a BBC investigation also based on data from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED), showed another dramatic uptick in Israeli attacks in late September. This substantial discrepancy in scale warrants mention, as it provides readers with critical context for assessing the imbalance of impact on civilians. I strongly encourage The Globe and Mail to incorporate data on the volume and scale of attacks from both sides to provide readers with a fuller understanding of the conflict’s disproportionality.
Last, comparing government support for Lebanese nationals with similar programs for Ukrainians and Palestinians from Gaza is misleading. Although Canada’s program theoretically includes Gaza refugees, very few Palestinians from Gaza have actually been granted safe haven. In October 2024, only about 334 Gazans had arrived under the special visa program, far below the initial 1,000-visa cap. The process has been hampered by a low cap, mandatory financial affidavits, and severe exit restrictions from Gaza imposed by Egypt, Israel, and Hamas. Including these details is essential for readers to understand Canada’s disparate refugee policies and their glaring double-standards, which clearly favour Ukrainians over Palestinians from Gaza.
I demand that The Globe and Mail will take my concerns seriously and consider updating this article to address the essential context needed to report on Lebanon’s current situation.
Sincerely,
Anthony Issa
Media Analyst
Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East